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Europeans have long lamented the continent’s lack of globally competitive technology companies. But with Donald Trump back in the White House, the goal of ending Europe’s dependence on U.S. tech giants has taken on new urgency. With U.S. tech oligarchs interfering in European elections and the Trump administration seeking to sabotage European digital regulation, this dependence is no longer just an economic problem; it is a serious threat to security, sovereignty and democracy in Europe.

The national security strategies periodically released by all U.S. administrations usually don’t say much and are quickly forgotten. But the newest strategy, unveiled by the Trump administration late last week, is an exception. It is a must-read because it outlines the largest reorientation of U.S. foreign policy since the Cold War began 80 years ago.

Public procurement accounts for about 14% of the EU’s GDP, making it one of the most powerful tools for the EU to shape markets and move towards its political goals. However, a recent analysis by the European Commission has confirmed what many governments and companies had already guessed: the current system is not helping to simplify public spending procedures, make them more strategic and green. More than 75% of public contracts still do not include environmental parameters, so it is not surprising that current spending is so poorly aligned with the EU’s stated industrial and climate goals.

Ask a room of central bankers how many of them want a less stable financial system, and you will find that few (if any) will raise their hand. Ask how many of them support intrusive, costly supervision, endless box-filling and process-heavy enforcement, and the result will be the same. This contradiction is at the heart of the Basel Committee’s recent statement, supported by all members, including U.S. members, calling for the Basel III rules to be implemented “fully and consistently.”

Calls to reduce the use of fossil fuels are becoming impossible to ignore. At the UN Climate Change Conference in Brazil (COP30), major producers are being asked to start planning for a gradual and orderly phase-out of oil, gas and coal.

There can be no doubt that Europe owes much to the United States. No one should forget that America defended freedom in Western Europe and West Berlin for decades, successfully financed reconstruction after World War II, won the Cold War and united Europe under the NATO security umbrella.

Calls to reduce the use of fossil fuels are becoming impossible to ignore. At the…

Power systems around the world are undergoing a profound and rapid transformation that will make…

It was once common to speak of a “liberal international order”. This term was used…

In July, a new report by Microsoft researchers caught the attention of the press, listing 40 professions most at risk of being replaced by artificial intelligence (AI). The list includes sales representatives, translators, proofreaders and other knowledge workers, indicating that a labor apocalypse for white-collar workers is approaching.

During a recent trip to Kazakhstan, I was struck by people’s enthusiasm for artificial intelligence (AI). Virtually everyone I met (scientists, politicians, entrepreneurs) was clearly convinced that this technology would help solve complex problems, from diversifying the economy and reducing dependence on natural resource exports to increasing access to key services, especially for people in remote regions. I expected AI knowledge to spread more slowly, and yet this positive attitude probably shouldn’t have surprised me. After all, the rapid development of AI offers great opportunities for developing countries.

US President Donald Trump spent almost the entire last week of October in Asia. He managed to achieve ceasefires on several fronts of the trade war, which he started by imposing duties on friendly and unfriendly countries. But he failed to create long-term economic structures and to dispel doubts about the U.S. strategic commitment to the region.
